The Ultimate California Road Trip: Iconic Routes & Must-See Stops

You think California Road Trips are just endless sun and ocean air? Nah. Sometimes a trip goes totally sideways. You see something completely unexpected. Like, say, the totally wild 1990s in Turkey. Political mess. Economic nightmare. Terrorism everywhere. It literally made the whole nation different. Super intense. New players. Country’s whole vibe changed. Not chill. Just crazy.

Turkey’s ’90s: What a Mess. Politics, Money, Terror. New Powers Rising

The ’90s? Boom. Started loud. President Turgut Özal just up and died in ’93. Shook things right up. Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel then became President. So Tansu Çiller, she got to be PM, leading a coalition.

At first, folks liked Çiller, but that good feeling vanished. The economy died. Brutal crisis in April ’94. Inflation went nuts! Turkish Lira? Worthless. Fast. And another thing: inequality, unemployment, poverty? All shot up.

And get this, the parties in charge had their own messed-up drama. Like Çiller. She had to answer hard questions about her money. Stained her image, big time. And all this time, PKK terrorism was off the charts, especially down Southeast. The military? Came down hard. Crushing suspected terror links. No mercy.

Erbakan’s Crew: The Welfare Party’s Big Comeback

With all that economic disaster, folks started looking for anything else. Enter Necmettin Erbakan. He was already a big shot in Turkish politics. He ran parties pushing his “National View” ideas— basically, a conservative, religious way to run society. A fair system. He called it “Adil Düzen.” People were desperate.

Erbakan didn’t start big. But he just kept getting more popular, especially after the 1980 coup. His Welfare Party? Their election wins were wild. Got good percentages in ’87, ’88, and ’91.

But the real game changer? The 1994 local elections. Over 19% of the vote for the Welfare Party. Like, third nationally. And here’s the kicker: they snatched up the mayor spots in Ankara and Istanbul. Melih Gökçek in Ankara, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Istanbul. This was huge. Everyone suddenly knew Refah. They were clearly a major deal.

Military vs. Erbakan: The ’28 February’ Showdown

Erbakan’s party did great, right? Then he became PM in ’96 with the Refah-Yol crew. That really spooked the military. They were terrified of “irtica”—religious fundamentalism. Felt like radical groups always wormed their way into religious parties before. And this time? The military saw a straight-up threat to how Turkey was built. Secular foundations.

Erbakan’s government, at first, tried to fix the economy. Inflation. Budget shortfalls. Some things clicked. Some sure didn’t. But his foreign policy? That’s what everyone watched. He wanted Muslim countries to team up economically. A common market. Big dreams.

His first trip overseas, to Iran, got tongues wagging. Then Libya. A super heated press conference with Gaddafi happened. Gaddafi just trashed Turkey, saying they oppressed Kurds. Right there. Erbakan just stood there, quiet. So awkward. Public humiliation. Made Turks mad, and his enemies loved it.

And if things weren’t messy enough, in November ’96, there was this huge car crash in Susurluk. Exposed crazy ties between the government and organized crime. State and mafia? Wild. But the whole investigation? Kept getting blocked by red tape. Çiller and Erbakan brushed it off. The PM even said it was “nonsense.” So, yeah. That Susurluk mess hammered their public trust.

Refah-Yol’s Own Goal: Stirring Up Trouble, Military Gets Mad

The real mess for the Refah-Yol government? It came from inside their own house. Their own people. Welfare Party members, local groups, voters—some of them said really bad things about Atatürk, secularism, the whole Republic. Freaked everyone out. Headscarf protests, totally legit at first, sometimes turned into actual calls for Sharia law. Yeah.

So the political scene got super tense. President Demirel, General Chief of Staff İsmail Hakkı Karadayı, big commanders? They ripped into the government, openly. They swore the Welfare Party was a hotbed of “irtica.” The military, especially Admiral Güven Erkaya, thought they were the only ones protecting secularism. So, they started watching government places way closer.

And on top of that, they teamed up with big media and business bosses. Used public opinion to slam Refah. Soon, newspapers and TV were blasting controversial stuff from Welfare Party guys. Şevki Yılmaz, a deputy from Rize, was shown laying into Kemalism, capitalism, secularism. Even called himself “Hezbollah.” Wild stuff. Hasan Hüseyin Ceylan, another bigwig, said anti-Kemalist things too. These comments, maybe just a few people, but boy, did they tick off a public sensitive about secular rules. Small things? Huge impacts.

Then, Erbakan did something folks saw as totally backing “irtica”: he hosted an iftar dinner at the Prime Minister’s home. Loaded with famous imams and sheikhs. That pushed secular people even further away. Also, the DYP, Erbakan’s partner, felt the heat. A faction split and started the Democratic Turkey Party.

Because then came the Sincan Municipality’s “Jerusalem Night,” January 30, 1997. Pictures of Hamas leaders. Iranian ambassador speaking. A play showing jihad. Massive uproar. Welfare Party officials said it was a dumb mistake, not endorsed by them. But things were just outta control. Erbakan tried to chill everyone out. Said stuff like “Turkey is a secular country… the discomfort comes from those who want to apply secularism as anti-religion.” Total bust.

So General Hikmet Köksal, Land Forces Commander, ordered tanks to roll through Sincan. February 4, 1997. Seriously. Twenty tanks, fifteen armored vehicles. Straight through the district. Whole country shocked. Not a coup. But a super clear message. General Çevik Bir, the deputy chief of general staff, even said they were “adjusting the balance of democracy in Sincan.” What an open threat.

Pressure became intense. President Demirel shot a warning letter to Erbakan. Protect secular order, it said. Admiral Güven Erkaya then publicly stated “irtica” was more dangerous than the PKK. And amid all this, a group out of Fatih Mosque, after prayers, cheered “We want Sharia!” Waving green flags. Yeah, things were really heating up.

Game Over: 28 February Kills the Government. Erbakan Banned

Everyone was watching the National Security Council (NSC) meeting, February 28, 1997. Craziest NSC meeting ever in Turkey. The military guys ripped the Prime Minister apart. Said the Welfare Party was backing “irtica.” Right to his face. Erbakan tried to calm things down, denied everything. Tansu Çiller, his partner? Just kept quiet.

The military handed the government an 18-point paper. Implement it, they said, if you wanna fight “irtica.” Basically, an ultimatum. Do it, or else. Big demands: 8-year compulsory schooling, state control over Quran classes, shut down illegal religious groups, strictly enforce dress codes. Also wanted to watch “green capital” (businesses with religious ties), censor media, and go after anti-Atatürk stuff.

Erbakan was proper sweating. He knew agreeing would piss off his whole base. So he asked other parties for help. Nope. Ecevit and Deniz Baykal shut him down. Media and NGOs? Piled on the pressure. Erbakan was totally trapped, eventually signing the demands five days later. But he dragged his feet on doing any of it. Çiller briefly thought about canning the top generals. But she just dropped it to avoid more trouble.

Because when the military saw the government wasn’t actually DOING the NSC stuff, they started these “briefings.” Talking to everyone—journalists, business folks, lawyers, judges. Telling them all about the “threat of religious fundamentalism.” And they straight-up said the Refah-Yol government was dangerous.

Then, May 21. Chief Public Prosecutor Vural Savaş slapped a lawsuit on the Welfare Party. Said it was basically a hub for anti-secular actions, pushing Turkey towards civil war. More political chaos. Erbakan tried to wiggle through without openly fighting the military or, you know, doing what they said.

And another thing: June 11. The General Staff. Chilling statement. Force, they said, would be used against “irtica” if needed. Sound of military boots. Terrifying. Pretty fast, under pressure (from the President or generals, who knows?), a bunch of DYP deputies and ministers quit. They were scared a full-blown military coup would happen if the government didn’t fall down.

For the Refah-Yol government, the jig was up. Erbakan decided to quit. June 18, 1998. This was a “post-modern” military takeover. No tanks in the streets this time. Just constant pressure, political tricks. January 16, 1998? The Welfare Party was legally shut down. Necmettin Erbakan? Banned from politics for five years. The whole 28 February mess played out for years. Changed Turkish politics big time. Nobody saw that coming.

FAQs (Quick Hits)

Q: What really worried the Turkish military during the 28 February mess?
A: They were dead worried about “irtica,” or religious fundamentalism. Saw it as a massive danger to Atatürk’s secular setup for Turkey. Big deal.

Q: What did the military demand from the government in that 28 February 1997 NSC meeting?
A: Oh man, a bunch of stuff. They wanted an 8-year compulsory education system, the state to run all Quran classes, stop those illegal religious lessons and group activities, and to properly enforce dress code laws. And more.

Q: How did Erbakan’s government handle the Susurluk incident?
A: Both Erbakan and his partner Tansu Çiller just blew it off. Said it was nothing. Even though it showed alleged ties between the government and organized crime. Erbakan even called people’s concerns “nonsense.” Bad look.